"Enemies are necessary for the wheels of the U.S. military machine to turn." -- John Stockwell, former CIA official and author

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By Michael Marrow, Ashley Roque, Diana Stancy, Carley Welch, Theresa Hitchens and Valerie Insinna, breakingdefense.com

WASHINGTON — The federal government rang in a new fiscal year on Thursday, and, as has been the norm for years, the government will now be operating under a continuing resolution (CR).

And if there’s one thing military leaders like to remind everyone about, at every opportunity, it’s that a CR means the Pentagon cannot begin funding new programs, also known as “new starts,” at a time when the department is pursuing novel technologies.

Breaking Defense reached out to the Pentagon and the services to ask for details on new starts that will be impacted by the CR, but a list was not provided by press time. However, new starts are listed as such in the fiscal 2027 budget request, and a search under that phrase of both procurement and research, development, test and evaluation (RDT&E) budget documents turned up over 150 results. 

While imperfect, given that Pentagon budget documents have been known to include errors, the method provides a sense of the quantity and quality of items affected by the CR — including billions of dollars for new drones, the Golden Fleet program and hypersonic weapons.

“It’s gonna slow us down, and the threat is not slowing down, so we have to continue to get after that,” Space Force Gen. Douglass Schiess, the newly minted Chief of Space Operations, said in a briefing with reporters Sept. 15. “So I just urge our congressional colleagues and folks to get after getting us the budget.” 

Claire's Observations: Looks as though the authors of this article collectively, and conveniently forgot one more than slightly thorny issue in this budget.

Please remember: this is the same budget featuring the U.S.–Israel defense-integration provision in the FY2027 National Defense Authorization Act (NDAA) including Section 219, the House-passed FY2027 NDAA  which would expand U.S.–Israeli defense cooperation beyond the existing missile-defense programs into joint development and co-production of defense technologies, with a U.S.-based component.

It looks as though the Senate, in its considerations (which will not resume until  after 3 January of next year), will have to make a major collective decision; does it actually represent the States of We the People, or does it represent Tel Aviv?!?